Sunday, March 13, 2016

Methods for Reconciling the Schism Between Urban and Rural

This week's readings focused on bringing agriculture back into the city. As many of this week's readings pointed out, and as we have read in past weeks (I am thinking particularly of the Steel articles), "urban" and "rural" used to be much more intertwined. However, as the necessary technology emerged and dominated, urbanites became more and more removed from the source of their food. Many planners now recognize the problem inherent in this schism, and are seeking to redress it.

There are several methods planners can employ to bring agriculture back into the city. The chapter from Urban Agriculture: Growing Healthy, Sustainable Places lists many important big ideas a planner could implement, and the tools she could employ in their implementation, in achieving this goal. These ideas are as follows (in no particular order):
1) Developing Community Visions and Goals for Urban Agriculture
2) Plan Making
3) Implementation Mechanisms for Desired Plan Goals
4) Using Urban Agriculture to Influence the Outcomes of Private Development Projects
5) Agricultural Urbanism
6) Supporting Urban Agriculture Through Public-Sector Planning

Idea #4 is particularly salient, for the fact that it espouses the idea that urban farming could take place on land that is not primarily used for that purpose. For instance, instead of simply converting half of all public land for edible landscaping and urban farming, private developers could receive a density bonus for allowing a portion of their land to be used as a community garden. In this chapter, and in the Butler article, the Cobb article, and the Mendes article, zoning is stressed as an important tool in allowing agricultural activities in urban areas. Oftentimes, zoning does not expressly prohibit agricultural activities altogether. Thus, it is the job of the planner to help tweak the zoning code to explicitly allow agriculture in certain zones. The Butler article, with its focus specifically on husbandry, delves further into what language this zoning code could take. For instance, while many cities allow chickens in many different zones, they may also articulate set-backs, nuisance control, and building permits. However, this reliance on zoning could be a problem. After all, it was restrictive zoning that separated agriculture from the cities in the first place. By relying heavily on zoning to tell us specifically what we can do, are we omitting future possibilities for urban agriculture that we can't yet foresee?

Finally, one last tool that is given great discussion in the Mendes article is undertaking a land inventory. A land inventory is essentially an analysis of a municipality (or city, or town, or even neighborhood) and, in this case, focusing on what land could be used for agricultural purposes. The authors examined Portland and Vancouver's land inventory and found that "...the Portland inventory both enabled integration and policymaking and advanced social and ecological sustainability. Vancouver achieved similar integration into planning, but the smaller scope of the effort meant it did little for public involvement and social sustainability." As evidenced by this passage, land inventories can often be the "jumping-off" point for further efforts for urban agriculture, food security, and (ecological, social, and economic) sustainability for a community.

While this week's readings focused heavily on methods employed in bringing agriculture back into the city, the two readings focusing on the positive impacts of this remarriage of rural and urban were also important and provided nuance to the conversation. The Carpenter article described the author's urban farm, in many ways a "guerrilla garden," as a way for the author to connect with her neighborhood and community, as well as a way to provide for herself and others. I did find some of her actions and the language she used to describe the other residents of her neighborhood to smack of gentrification, and I think this is a worthwhile topic to explore further when discussing a lot of the rhetoric that surrounds urban farming, particularly in poor minority neighborhoods. The Cobb article was focused on Allens, who "believes that the key to boosting urban farms is paying attention, not just to social justice concerns, but to the bottom line." This is a perspective that is not often emphasized in the literature surrounding urban agriculture. While urban agriculture can be a great way to build community, improve health, and enhance food security, this article proves that one can also make money (that stays in the local economy) while doing so.

1 comment:

  1. Taylor, your post greatly summarizes several important components of the week's readings and they could all be implemented together to truly optimize cities' urban agriculture. On one hand, by facilitating edible landscape with appropriate zoning policies, both the density, usage, and aesthetic of land parcels is optimized, it can be accompanied with community activities that distribute local food or redirect the products to soup kitchens or homeless shelters. For the private sector, smart landscaping can also be implemented to "beautify" the property, increasing the value and giving rise to aesthetically please edible landscapes, which I am sure investors will not mind as long as it appreciates property values. When both the public and private areas join to enhance urban agriculture, cities can see nothing but benefits in economy, social action, and food security. Imagine how it would be in cities that have yet to adapt most of these models and tips of urban agriculture, taking the example of Miami, a city that is heavily congested but possesses great potential for renewal of areas, especially in downtown. Thinking how edible landscape and community improvements can help alleviate poverty and the rates of homelessness in the area gives me hopes that any city in the world can change drastically if we combine the way we produce food with our day-to-day environment.

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